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Interesting, but rather long-winded

A high-level perspective of the Parachute Regiment.

England's Original Gangsters

The journals are great, but Bagley's commentary is notThe journals themselves are a great insight into the travels of this company. Also, the notes Bagley assembled are great--full of relevant and useful information that greatly enriches the reading of this account. The only flaw is Bagley's own additions.
The first two chapters were written by him, as sort of a preface, and each chapter is prefaced by a few pages of his commentary. These writings detract greatly from the work, and are full of speculations presented as truth and seemingly oblivious to fact. As far as history is concerned, it has very little worth, being more a collection of his opinions than actual circumstance backed by evidence. There is no citation of sources, which further detracts from the credibility.
Overall, these journals are great, and the editing, superb. Just don't rely too much on what Bagley says about them. If you're interested in Mormon or Western history, these journals are worth a read. It won't detract at all from the experience if you skip the prefaces, though.


What is it that you are looking for??What is unique about this text is that different authors write each of the chapters. Savage and Atkinson act as authors and editors at the same time in this text, and different experts write chapters on their fields of research. The text deals with two main ideas. Part One examines policy through a range of generic factors that have influenced the agenda (including 'Blairism') and the changing of government structure. Part Two addresses different specific parts of policy (e.g. Environmental Policy, Education) and how they have changed under Thatcher and Blair. (Preface, p. ix)
As I stated before, this text is designed mostly for researchers, college students or professional public servants. People that do not have a very strong background in British public policy or government will have a tough time reading this text and understanding the material. Most readers of this text come into the experience expecting very concise and detailed information, and that's what you get. But since I was looking for very general and simple explanations to complex issues, I had problems with the text. Although that may have been contributed to by my lack of knowledge, I had additional difficulties with the format of the text itself.
While Public Policy tries to maintain a steady flow of information on how Blair has implemented the policies of the Labour government, I often got lost in the constant and confusing notations. It is well understood that notations are quite necessary and appropriate for this work, but for certain authors, I found that it got in the way of what was actually being presented. I found it hard to follow an author's statement for a certain approach to an area of policy when every other line had a notation or citation in it.
It is quite understandable that university-level students in the United Kingdom would normally use this collection of essays, so the language and references would be geared towards them. But when a work such as this is geared toward British citizens, it is quite predictable that Americans would have problems with the references. I did. When I was reading through the text, I ran across terms such as a "white paper". Having gone through many discussions with fellow students on policy matters, I have had some exposure to this term. But later on, I stumbled across "green papers", "government papers", and references to the Northcote - Trevelyan Report of 1854. However, if the editors would have put a glossary of terms in the back, there would not have been such a problem, because I dare anyone to find many people in Britain or the US that could tell you what the Northcote - Trevelyan Report of 1854 actually said. The glossary would serve inexperienced readers as well as professional historians, and that would have made this text better.
It was quite obvious as well that some authors seemed to lean towards a certain point of view. Massey in particular seems to lean towards the right due to his constant attacks on the policies that Blair has implemented. "The idea of some dirigiste plan is one that is itself an approach replete with unhappy experiences for the last Labour Prime Minister who attempted it in the mid-1960s." (p. 29) The only credit that Massey gives to Labour is that the recently published Modernising Government White Paper is trying to emphasize "Citizen-focused" approaches to public services. Even then, the credit is brief.
The problems that I had with the text stemmed from my lack of knowledge going into the reading and with the format of the text itself. But with my problems set aside, there are bright spots that really make this work shine.
It was quite a task to me to read essays full of information and theory about abstract subjects, but as I said before, that's what the style of the text is. But at the end of the text, I came across "British Policy in Northern Ireland", written by Arthur Aughey. This chapter caught my eye since it covered a topic that has been covered extensively in the news, and contains information that could actually help me understand the conflict more. The chapter started with the history of peace agreements and how they have been attempted in the last 15 years, which gave an outstanding yet simple insight into what has been tried. It also gives some insight into what Tony Blair thinks of the whole matter. Aughey outlines The Belfast Agreement superbly as he describes the Assembly that will cover matters devolved to it and how the Agreement "fits the Blair project of social inclusiveness". What makes me point this chapter out is the smooth flow of ideas, and how it pertains to something that most Americans know about. In addition, it may affect someone's life here in America, and that makes all look at something twice.
In conclusion, I hope that I was able to point out the errors that I had reading this text without making judgments on the content, since I am in no position whatsoever to make those kinds of accusations without being an expert myself. Most of the text was pretty dry, but it was informational. There were points that really grasped my attention and taught me something worthwhile, and that's what I will remember for a long time. So for its targeted audience (while keeping in consideration my complaints), Public Policy does a commendable, but not outstanding job.


Saintly Billy

Thorough, weighty a summary of the period.

PLEASE don't read this book!
For the more advanced Celtic scholar
Still recommended reading!

Too Concise
too concise

WARNING! This book must be read criticallyCorns and Hughes-Wilson don't just offer information. They also argue for a certain thesis: 'Spilled water cannot be replaced in a smashed jug' (Arab proverb), and so any idea of retrospective pardons should be strongly opposed.
The book's presentation of its thesis is so slovenly, that it would be a fine text for use for practice on a course in critical thinking. Suppose you want to form your own opinion on this controversy. Here are a few examples of the kind of obstacles Corns and Hughes-Wilson put in your way:
1There are gratuitous sneers here and there about their opponents who advocate pardons. The reader has to be alert to separate sneer from substance.
2In presenting one of the main pillars of their argument they rely mainly on Arab proverbs and poetic aphorisms such as 'The past is another country'. The thoughtful reader will hope to find a clearly reasoned statement of the authors' position on the tricky question of moral judgements about other times and places. But once you cut away the book's vague rhetoric on this point there is nothing left.
3There are some whopping contradictions to be found if you keep your eyes open. For example.
The authors seem to be saying, albeit rather impressionistically, that the executions were basically OK by the standards of the time. However, the jacket of the book states that the executions were 'Controversial even at the time'.
On the issue whether executions were necessary because they discouraged mass desertion that might otherwise have occurred, sometimes the authors seem to be suggesting that this was indeed so, and in other places the opposite.
4There is also scope for spotting important inferences from the facts which the authors unaccountably fail to draw. They state (p. 103) that 'the death penalty was used only in a minute percentage of cases', and they back this up with ample evidence. Do they conclude that those few who were executed were therefore treated unfairly - perhaps even so unfairly that they deserve a pardon? No, Corns and Hughes-Wilson don't seem to notice that this possible line of debate even exists. As a reader, you will have to spot it for yourself.
On a frivolous note, I can't resist recording that the acknowledgement at the beginning to 'our eagle-eyed copy-editor' contains both a spelling mistake and a punctuation mistake in the same sentence.
In short, recommended to two classes of reader: those who want a library of all the main works on this subject; and those who want something for a good workout of the critical thinking faculties.
Definitely not for someone who wants just one thoroughly reliable work on the subject.
Related Vacation Book Subjects:
VacationBookReview united arab emirates united states
Channel_Islands
England
Northern_Ireland
Scotland
Wales
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In the 1980's it became more and more clear that Britain provided a safe haven. It took a long and tedious process to get legislation approved that made the trial of war criminals possible. Quite a few influential people thought it was a"Jewish conspiracy". In the end only one war criminal stood trial and was convicted.
David Cesarani describes this whole process in much detail,maybe a little too much detail, because who is interested in an extensive list of which honourable MP said what except for the highlights? Still it was interesting to read in the end.